College undoubtedly impacts its members since it serves the function of joining together students of divergent backgrounds and beliefs in order to pursue common interests and goals within a common campus. While students may choose different fields of study and are introduced to a variety of campus groups to which they may belong (fraternities, sororities, student government, and other social groups), they are still tied to a common campus life. In essence, students are socialized into a common college culture. As part of that socialization process, students on campus will have to confront the issue of alcohol consumption.

Subjects for this study were drawn during Fall, 1990, from the student population of a major west coast university. It is a public university and has over 27,000 graduate and undergraduate students. Students in an introductory sociology class were asked to keep a diary of all drinking occasions for a twenty-eight day period. The use of diaries and logs is a well established tradition in alcohol research (Argeriou, 1975; Felson, 1981; Harford, Gerstel, Paulter & Hoban, 1980; Kraft, 1981; Orcutt & Harvey, 1991; Rabow & Newmann, 1984). The diary asked students to indicate on a "Daily Log," the amount and type of alcoholic beverage; the time of day that drinking began and ended; the nature of the drinking occasion (party, date, celebration) and their reasons for drinking on each occasion. Questions on drug use, sexual behavior or negative consequence were not posed to subjects although such information was reported. This method of data collection allows researchers to move beyond quantity-frequency issues and document ways in which alcohol consumption is linked to social life and a social calendar. Temporal dimensions to human behavior have been linked to human happiness (Rub/n, 1979), crime rates (Cohen & Felson, 1979), and alcohol consumption (Rabow & Newmann, 1984).

Of the 101 students, 76 provided complete daily information on their alcohol consumption for the four-week period. Fifteen students handed in logs that were missing information for one or more days and we eliminated these logs from the analysis. Only 4 students of the 76 reported that they abstained for the twenty-eight day period, thus limiting any comparisons of drinkers with non-drinkers. The logs were analyzed for themes. Through content analysis, four major categories were developed that reflected the students' comments.

The four major findings documented through the analysis of the daily logs include: (1) The social definition and enforcement of alcohol consumption; (2) the temporal dimensions of alcohol consumption; (3) the student role and the use of alcohol; and, (4) the celebrational use of alcohol. These conclusions will be documented though the analysis of the students logs.

Ideas, beliefs and patterns of alcohol consumption are socially-defined and enforced on the college campus. From the fraternity parties to the first date, in the residence halls and at the student-faculty potluck dinners, alcohol is a major social "prop", supported by the various social functions of college life. As one male student phrased it:

There are numerous unspoken rules guiding alcohol consumption and most students report feeling "out of place" or uncomfortable if they refuse to drink at a college party or on the weekends. There is a tremendous pressure to "fit in" with the established social patterns on campus, in which alcohol plays a large role, and failure to do so most often results in students being looked down upon, resulting in feelings of inadequacy. As one female student noted:

"I realized today that people seem to indulge in alcohol because others do. Very few people can 'stand up' to their host and simply say 'no.'"

Another student indicated the expectations surrounding alcohol consumption at parties:

"I think it's funny how perfectly acceptable drinking is at a party ... In fact, people question you as to why you don't have a drink if you are at a party empty-handed. Maybe they bring it up as a conversation starter, but they expect you to drink."

A freshman expresses the predominant view shared by most students:

"When going to a party, drinking seems inevitable."

While drinking is evidenced at just about all social gatherings, it is especially evident within the Greek System. Gusfield found in his study that a definite set of norms that support drinking is found in the "culture of fraternity life." The same idea seems to hold true in this study as well. while norms concerning alcohol use exist within the various groups on campus, the fraternities in particular regulate "... the drinking behavior of members in a fashion not predictable by his membership in a religious subculture" (Gusfield, 1961: 432) One's affiliation in a fraternity brings to the student a new set of ideas, behaviors and values. He commits himself to these new values and looks to his fellow "brothers" for acceptance and approval.

One's previous beliefs on drinking seem to be overcome by his new-found desire to fit in and become a part of the social arena. The fraternity thus serves as an important teaching institution for drinking habits. The more a student is "absorbed" into the fraternity, the more he will follow the norms of that group, with its intense emphasis on drinking. One male student indicated his first encounter with a fraternity at a pre-rush dinner as follows:

"The first thing that happened after I walked in the door was someone came up to me and asked me what I wanted to drink. The frats sure do live up to their reputation as big beer drinkers."

However, it is important to underscore the idea that norms governing alcohol consumption exist not only among the "Greeks", but with other campus groups as well. The residence halls, which have regulations against drinking, also have a party atmosphere where drinking often takes place, and residents do not have to fear driving home intoxicated. The various dances, parties, and social occasions in the residence halls have alcoholic beverages, even with strict campus regulations against this practice. Students often mentioned the frequently-held Thursday night "happy hours". Even though sanctions against alcohol include expulsion from the resident halls for drinking, visits there on any weekend will find "partying" with an abundance of alcoholic beverages. One male student, discussing how he felt about consuming too much alcohol over a three-day period, stated that he drank so he "would not feel out of place." ,

Actions against the non-drinker vary from a simple teasing by friends to an intense feeling of inferiority. One female student expressed how she drinks in excess at parties to "impress the guys" that she is able to "hold her own.' Another wrote:

"Tonight I know that I drank purely because I felt peer-pressure. My roommate made me feel inadequate and I only drank to please her. Dumb!"

Within the residence halls and off-campus student housing, drinking games provide another example of the socially defined drinking patterns. Games such as "Pigs", "Quarters", and "Thumper" are played, and new games are continually devised as students look for innovative ways to consume alcohol. One recent adaptation to the reruns of the Bob Newhart television shows was the drinking game of "Bob." Here, students would watch, and every time the word "Bob" was mentioned, they would "guzzle" beer.

Thus, while alcohol consumption occurs most notably at the fraternity parties, it is evidenced throughout the other residential sites as well. Students recognize that its use is socially defined by norms within the college, and that failure to partake in the weekend's drinking activities often results in one's feeling out of place or inadequate and, in rare cases, excluded from social activities. Students feel an intense need to succeed socially as well as academically, and drinking often determines their acceptance into the social arena. The drinkers are most often "the life of the party".

A second area widely supported by the students' logs is the temporal dimension of alcohol consumption. Drinking peaks on the weekends and subsides during the middle of the week in order to balance consumption with students' concerns over academics. A daily pattern is evident in which both the number of students drinking and the mean consumption per drinker peaks on weekends (Rabow & Newmann., I984). Drinking seems to have a "binge" quality whereby most students completely avoid alcohol Sundays through Wednesdays due to their studies and the pressures associated with school. However, students report "drinking in excess" on the weekends to celebrate the end of the "work week". While consumption reaches its greatest levels on Friday and Saturday nights, the partying frequently begins on Thursdays due to the large number of students who purposely arrange their schedules to have no Friday classes. This was confirmed by Rabow & Newmann (1984) who documented the weekend pattern of drinking, the binge pattern of drinking, and the ways in which college events and holidays impacted the quantity of alcohol consumption.

Hence, the various peaks and lulls in the students' drinking patterns as indicated in their logs support the idea of consumption as temporally constructed by the academic and social demands placed on each student. There seems to be a notable relation, then, between academic demands and consumption levels, creating this structured pattern of drinking. Moreover, the cycle repeats itself with each new quarter. With the two conflicting desires of wanting to do well in school and to "party," this temporal pattern best accommodates and balances these desires. Moreover, it seems to be unique to the college lifestyle.

Because of the high reputation and academic standards of the University, students report that they "feel a tremendous pressure to do well." All the students indicated in their logs that studying always comes before drinking. The best way to find an appropriate balance between academics and alcohol, then, is by limiting consumption to the weekends. In this way, students can fulfill their need to achieve in their studies during the week, while at the same time having fun on the weekends.

Further, students often find that drinking is the "thing to do" on a Friday or Saturday night, merely because it is expected. One student wrote about a typical Friday night:

"Tonight I found myself drinking more out of habit than anything else. It seems that drinking on Friday nights is the thing to do. It is the end of the week and it is so acceptable."

A belief commonly expressed in many logs is the following:

"I do not think that I'm anything but a true weekend drinker."

The finding that consumption is sharply curtailed on Sunday nights was also frequently mentioned. A male student reports:

"It seems that on Sunday, most people refrain from drinking."

Not only does drinking peak on the weekends; students also indicated that its temporary peak around the fifth and sixth weeks is due to post-midterm parties and celebrations. Following this mid-quarter peak is the very low occurrence of alcohol drinking and parties before finals. Two students reported this general trend:

"During the past week I had a lot of studying to accomplish.

I could not see myself drinking with so much studying to be done."

"Not many people are thinking about alcohol this week. There is much less drinking due to finals."

A third finding which emerged in the students' logs is their great feelings of tension and anxiety associated with the pressures of a large university. Alcohol was not found to be used as a mechanism to deal with anxieties, but rather to allow one to "loosen up" and to "relax". Numerous studies, starting with Horton% famous cross-cultural study, have supported the use of alcohol and the causes of alcoholism as related to the degree of anxiety in a society (Horton, 1943). While Horton indicates that one of alcohol's primary functions is to relieve tension and anxiety within a given culture, these theories do not seem to explain the nature of consumption with the college setting.

Students frequently discussed their excessive amounts of anxiety and tension, but stated that they do not rely on alcohol as a coping mechanism. The college lifestyle does not seem to support alcohol as a viable means of escaping problems or relieving stress. Rather, these attitudes are learned elsewhere, from family or society in general. The socio-environmental model of alcohol consumption describes the use of the alcohol to relieve tension and anxiety as a behavior learned through one's reference group in the socialization process. If this is so, then this "campus culture" which frowns upon those who abuse alcohol or become ill, controls the student's socialization of alcohol uses. Drinking seems to be regulated through these social control mechanisms and thus, drinking for most students would function more as "time out" rather than tension release.

The students indicated various means other than alcohol for coping with tension and anxiety, such as sports activities, talking to friends, or attending movies. All the students reacted unfavorably to using alcohol as a coping mechanism:

"I am very anxious about the upcoming finals. I have to study very much now and alcohol would not help one bit."

Although the college campus creates intense feelings of anxiety, students find other means of coping. In contrast to theories which have linked consumption to levels of anxiety, students report that alcohol only helps them to relax and to loosen up. One female student summed it up as follows:

"When you are in a party situation and everyone else is drinking, it makes the party a lot more relaxing. It makes you feel more sociable and easy-going."

Another student reported:

"I drank to loosen up and relax... I did not drink just to get drunk. Only to feel good."

Tension and anxiety are created not only by academic pressures, but social pressures as well. Schwartz & Lever (1976), in their essay on the "college mixer", indicate that "dating is a ser/ous socialization process with potentially negative consequences for the individual. As the individual seeks to be both vulnerable (open to meeting an attractive other) and self-protective (invulnerable to rejection), the social world becomes fraught w/th tension, anxiety, and implications for the individual's 'sense of sel~." This essay pointed out some of the conflict-ridden strategies associated with dating, one of which includes the use of the "beer table" as a "prop". Drinking gives students something to do when they are unoccupied. Moreover, it becomes an excuse to escape from an uncomfortable situation, allowing one to "loosen up". These same strategies were discussed at length in the alcohol logs. Female students most notably express insecurity at fraternity parties, adding that a drink or two allows them to relax and have fun. One female student commented:

"I was out on a date with a guy I kind of liked so I guess I wanted him to know that I can drink and not get drunk."

While parties and dating can provoke tension and insecurities among both males and females, alcohol is often used to increase one's feeling of relaxation. The alcohol logs portray drinking as means to have fun, loosen up, and relieve the anxieties of dating and college life. In contrast to many previous theories on alcoholism, drinking on the college campus does not seem to be an outcome of anxieties, or a strategy for coping with the pressures of a college career.

 The Celebrational Use of Alcohol

The fourth and final function of alcohol most noted among the students in this sample is the use of alcohol as a means of celebration and as an expression of group solidarity. The reason most often found for drinking is to celebrate the completion of an exam, a student's birthday, sporting event victories, or initiation ceremonies. Many students plan in advance to have elaborate post-exam drinking parties, or meet classmates for a drink immediately after an exam. In such a large university, there are numerous occasions which call for celebrations, and alcohol is always on hand. The students in this sample were quite serious about academics and they rarely allow alcohol to interfere with their studies. Yet, the weekend parties and celebrations were always anticipated early in the week.

Also, drinking promotes a feeling of solidarity among students within such a vast university. "Sharing a round of beer" signifies group solidarity and provides the group with a symbol of cohesion as well as a purpose of existence. Failure to drink with the group results in exclusion. Alcohol facilitates conversation and a "partying atmosphere", and often joins various people together for a common purpose. An example which best substantiates the effect alcohol has on solidarity is the celebration which takes place during and after football games:

"I guess when I go to a football game it seems natural to drink. Everybody does it and it almost seems like part of the game... The buses all take kegs on them and the people manning the gates allow you to take whole jugs in, even if you are under age."

Another student exclaimed:

"Due to the incredible game, I was offered alcohol several times throughout the .day and into the night."

Students isolate themselves in their books so much that there is this strong need to celebrate anything from a "pinning ceremony" to a major football victory, merely for the pleasure of getting together with others. Alcohol is invariably linked with bringing students together on and off campus.

"In high school, we drank to get high, to defy our parents and to pretend we were grown-up. In college, the purpose of drinking was to get drunk and so I got drunk." (Cherry, 1987;4)

While such theories as role strain (Kirk & Dorfman, 1983; Wolfenden, 1970), sex roles (Parker, 1969), gender (Rabow, Watts, Hernandez & Sappington, 1992), and other external conditions, may he applied to explain the findings of this study, it seems evident through analysis of the student logs that a certain shared "culture" exists within the college community. College appears to be a major socializing force with which students strongly identify. Behaviors considered acceptable or unacceptable seem to he socially defined and enforced through one's interaction with others on campus. Students, themselves, do not have trouble adapting to this "wet culture" and believe they can both control their drinking behavior and that they will grow out of it (Nofz, 1990).

The temporal dimension to drinking is also unique to the college lifestyle, providing an "acceptable" reason for bringing people together. Thus, both the academic pressures and the social pressures associated with one's role as "student" support this commonly shared panem of alcohol consumption for specific drinking time periods. Orcutt & Harvey (1991), support the idea that weekday drinking after classes and weekend drinking are occasions for "time out" from stress, not as relief from tension. Their finding as ours, suggest that drinking does not follow increased stress levels, but is disassociated from the stress in time. We also note that the patterns of common drinking in residence halls and fraternities in this study and in bars and nightclubs (Harford, Wechsler & Rohman, 1983), suggest that drinking is more a social activity than stress related.

The debate about these two major sources of influence (college culture vs. demographics) is usually cast in "either" "or" terms. Posing the question that way makes it impossible to resolve. Multivariate analyses which would allow us to determine the relative influence that particular college social structures and demographics contribute and/or interact to explain the variables of concern need to be developed. It is important to recognize both differences among students and the impact of a "wet college culture." At this point, it seems that the major sources of influence on college drinking derives from an institutionalized campus culture.

CONCLUSIONS:

The emphasis upon the functions of alcohol in students lives is consistent with Meacci's concern:

"Strategies should be developed to impact on drinking behavior to reduce negative alcohol abuse consequences .... Factors that may be considered in developing preventive intervention are the individual student's role in the college social environment and peer-facilitated dr/nldng" (Mcacci, 1990; 70).

Meacci criticizes the current emphasis upon individualized methods for abstaining or · limiting use by practicing problem-solving strategies during drinking situations. Meacci's concern is echoed in a 1993 study (Robinson, Roth, Gloria, Keim & Sattler, 1993), whose efforts to influence undergraduate knowledge, attitudes, and behaviors resulted only in a knowledge increment, without accompanying behavioral change. This study emphasizes the relationship between students and their environment. It suggests that programs for reducing problem drinking on college campuses take as their main target, the students and their "college culture."

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